Why the West is Complicit in the Latest Migrant Crisis

(Photo: Leonid Scheglov/Reuters)

The most recent mass migration of Iraqi Kurds is not driven by hunger and poverty, but by social injustice and the lack of freedom within the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. These dire circumstances are worsened by economic instability and hostile policies enacted by the ruling Barzani and Talabani clans. A majority of those currently stranded on the Belarus-Poland border and those in camps in France and other European countries were financially well-off before migration. As such, it is misleading to characterise these individuals as economic migrants. Given the state of the region today, it is certain that mass migrations will continue as larger waves of migrants explore other routes.

On one side, Barzani-controlled territory, especially the regional capital of Erbil, is a prison for political and human rights activists. After the formation of the new Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in 2019, crackdowns on dissidents and journalists escalated. Kurdish journalists have been jailed and sentenced for several years for criticizing government policies. On the other side, Talabani-controlled zones, centred around Sulaymaniyah, remain preoccupied with the fall-out of a coup d’état executed against a cousin of the family, Lahur Jangi, on July 8, 2021. The July coup d’état was allegedly jointly conducted by local and regional intelligence agencies. This has further militarised Sulaymaniyah, resulting in heightened uncertainty and instability.

In Iraqi Kurdistan, the concept of a representative government has been sidelined for an oligarchic family-based one. The concept of a properly functioning democratic system is non-existent. Instead, authority is dispersed through thousands of party-run militants, including many who remain non-registered. These militias are integral to the forceful preservation of the interests of the Barzanis and the Talabanis, the current ruling families. Common practices include election manipulation and vote rigging through illegal interference with the process of elections, such as increasing the vote share of favoured candidates while diminishing those of rival candidates. Moreover, these ruling parties have coordinated closely with regional and international intelligence services which has historically allowed for the agendas of foreign countries to play out in Iraqi Kurdistan. It is against this backdrop that these two ruling families continue to exercise unlimited power through the active suppression of democracy, freedom of speech and through overwhelming levels of injustice. Yet, the United States and Europe remain silent despite vocal criticism from parliamentary and independent opposition groups and international and local NGOs.

Although there is a regional parliament tasked with legislating, this system holds minimal enforcement powers. For one, the two major parties openly operate outside of the legislations and laws created by parliament. Concepts such as rule of law or parliamentary scrutiny are neither acknowledged nor obeyed. Since 1996, the Barzanis have not permitted a significant public demonstration against ruling families or their policies within their territories. They have subjected countless intellectuals, journalists, authors, and activists to intimidation, kidnapping, imprisonment, and torture such as Sardasht Osman, Dr. Hoshyar, Sherwan Sherwany and others.

Moreover, the current ruling elite of the KRG has been involved in one of the most untraceable and profitable oil heists in the history of the Middle East. Most of the oil income is divided among Barzani and Talabani family members and foreign companies. This is public knowledge and reflects the ease with which they exercise and display their arbitrary power. Most recently, Rewas Faiaq, the KRG Speaker of Parliament announced that she was unaware of where $550M out of $900M in monthly oil income was going. She conceded that she was only aware of a total of $350M entering the government’s bank account; a statement that yielded little scrutiny for fear of state retaliation.

To mislead the public and international observers in the wake of this recent mass migration, and student protests, KRG officials, especially the Barzani led Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), have accused the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) of “intentionally trafficking people” towards the European border. The statement is purposely designed to deflect responsibility away from the KDP and to appeal to the agenda of regional countries who oppose the emergence of the PKK. Furthermore, the KRG is currently also accusing the Iraqi Federal Government of withholding KRG revenue shares and budgets which allegedly contributed to financial pressure. Once again, this statement is based upon unfounded claims and is intended to rouse Barzani-backed Kurdish nationalism against Arabs, in particular Shia Muslims, and the Iraqi Federal Government.

The KDP and the Talabani-led Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) are not only exploiting Kurdistan’s natural resources but also those from the rest of Iraq. In oil exports alone the two ruling parties pocket an estimated $550 million per month, as well as internal revenues, customs and natural gas incomes that total hundreds of millions of dollars. The KDP and PUK do not return their incomes gathered to the Iraqi Federal Government as they legally should. Instead, they receive a further 200 billion Iraqi dinars monthly from the equally corrupt government of Prime Minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi at the expense of those who live in south-central Iraq. Kadhimi turns a blind eye to all the financial injustices experienced under his government to maintain his strategic alliance with KDP and PUK militias.

There is no doubt that the European Union, the United States, the United Nations, and the Government of Iraq are well-aware of the facts stated above. They all nonetheless actively refrain from recognising the depth of KDP and PUK corruption. The system that exists today is one built upon the deliberate impoverishment of the Iraqi Kurds vis-à-vis the suppression of democracy. The American administration not only turns a blind eye towards the myriad of injustices, but also provides broad political support to the two governing Barzani and Talabani families. There are various geopolitical reasons for this, namely the ultimate American objective of isolating Iran from the region. We must ask: Why should Iraqis pay the disproportionate price for the implementation of such an agenda? How long can the United States sustain the illusion of promoting democracy and human rights values on the one side, while supporting militia forces who suppress their own people on the other?

Across social media, there has been a negative shift in public opinion in the Kurdistan Region toward the United States and the European Union, who are now seen as complicit in propping up corrupt politicians in the region. Leaving grievances unaddressed will only contribute to further instability. It is important for the United States and European countries who have been investing in the Kurdistan region and pushing for reforms to distance themselves from the ruling elite and start engaging with the people. The relations with the people, especially young people, are essential for changes toward democracy, economic development, and sustainable peace. The election turnout should be seen as an indication to Western countries that the overwhelming majority of Iraqi Kurds reject the political system in Kurdistan. Changes will come to the region, either peacefully or forcefully.